Category Archives: Pakistani Politics

The following are some of the key events in her career:

April 1979: Benazir Bhutto is imprisoned just before her father, Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, is executed by Gen Zia ul Huq. She is sentenced to five years in jail.

1984: Bhutto is allowed to leave for London for health reasons after spending most of her years in prison in solitary confinement. She reorganises her father’s Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) in London and takes over its leadership.

April 1986 : Bhutto returns from exile in London and holds political rallies, attracting massive crowds.

Dec 6, 1988: Bhutto becomes the first woman prime minister of a Muslim nation after winning parliamentary elections.

Aug 6, 1990: Bhutto government dismissed by President Ghulam Ishaq Khan on grounds of corruption charges against her and husband Asif Zardari. Her political opponent Nawaz Sharif of the Pakistan Muslim League is made prime minister.

July 1993: President Ghulam Ishaq Khan dismisses Sharif as prime minister, also on grounds of alleged corruption.

Oct 19, 1993: Bhutto takes oath for a second term as prime minister after elections in which no party is a clear winner. She takes the support of smaller parties.

Sep 1996: Murtaza Bhutto, Benazir’s younger brother, is shot dead by policemen along with six of his political workers.

Nov 5, 1996: Bhutto government dismissed again – this time by President Farooq Leghari, not only on charges of corruption but also of carrying out staged killings.

Feb 1997: Sharif becomes prime minister again after his PML convincingly wins general elections.

April 14, 1999: Bhutto and Zardari found guilty of corruption charges involving a Swiss company, while she is out of the country. Zardari goes to jail, and Bhutto remains in self-exile.

May 1999: Pakistani troops and militants occupy positions in the Kargil area of Kashmir. Strains emerge between Sharif and Musharraf after international condemnation led by the US.

Oct 1999: Sharif sacks Musharraf, but the general hits back by leading an army coup against him and taking control of administration.

Aug 2000: Musharraf bars Bhutto and Sharif from active politics.

Dec 2000: Sharif goes into exile.

July 2002: Court sentences Bhutto (in absentia) to three years in prison on corruption charges.

July 2003: A Swiss court convicts Bhutto and Zardari for money laundering. Given jail sentences and fined.

Nov 2003: Sentence overturned by a higher court.

Nov 2004: Zardari released from prison in Pakistan.

Mar 2005: PPP says it is increasing contact with Musharraf.

Oct 5, 2007: Musharraf signs a corruption amnesty against Bhutto.

Oct 6, 2007: Musharraf wins presidential election.

Oct 18, 2007: Bhutto returns to Pakistan from eight years in self-exile.

Nov 15, 2007: Musharraf’s five-year presidential term and the term of the sitting parliament expires.

Jan 8, 2008: The date for parliamentary elections – that are now in doubt after Bhutto’s assassination.

The assassination of Benazir Bhutto has created conditions which contribute to the ongoing destabilization and fragmentation of Pakistan as a Nation.

The process of US sponsored “regime change”, which normally consists in the re-formation of a fresh proxy government under new leaders has been broken. Discredited in the eyes of Pakistani public opinion, General Pervez Musharaf cannot remain in the seat of political power. But at the same time, the fake elections supported by the “international community” scheduled for January 2008, even if they were to be carried out, would not be accepted as legitimate, thereby creating a political impasse.

There are indications that the assassination of Benazir Bhutto was anticipated by US officials:

“It has been known for months that the Bush-Cheney administration and its allies have been maneuvering to strengthen their political control of Pakistan, paving the way for the expansion and deepening of the “war on terrorism” across the region.

Various American destabilization plans, known for months by officials and analysts, proposed the toppling of Pakistan’s military…

The assassination of Bhutto appears to have been anticipated. There were even reports of “chatter” among US officials about the possible assassinations of either Pervez Musharraf or Benazir Bhutto, well before the actual attempts took place. (Larry Chin, Global Research, 29 December 2007)

Political Impasse

“Regime change” with a view to ensuring continuity under military rule is no longer the main thrust of US foreign policy. The regime of Pervez Musharraf cannot prevail. Washington’s foreign policy course is to actively promote the political fragmentation and balkanization of Pakistan as a nation.
A new political leadership is anticipated but in all likelihood it will take on a very different shape, in relation to previous US sponsored regimes. One can expect that Washington will push for a compliant political leadership, with no commitment to the national interest, a leadership which will serve US imperial interests, while concurrently contributing under the disguise of “decentralization”, to the weakening of the central government and the fracture of Pakistan’s fragile federal structure.
The political impasse is deliberate. It is part of an evolving US foreign policy agenda, which favors disruption and disarray in the structures of the Pakistani State. Indirect rule by the Pakistani military and intelligence apparatus is to be replaced by more direct forms of US interference, including an expanded US military presence inside Pakistan.

This expanded military presence is also dictated by the Middle East-Central Asia geopolitical situation and Washington’s ongoing plans to extend the Middle East war to a much broader area.

The US has several military bases in Pakistan. It controls the country’s air space. According to a recent report: “U.S. Special Forces are expected to vastly expand their presence in Pakistan, as part of an effort to train and support indigenous counter-insurgency forces and clandestine counterterrorism units” (William Arkin, Washington Post, December 2007).
The official justification and pretext for an increased military presence in Pakistan is to extend the “war on terrorism”. Concurrently, to justify its counterrorism program, Washington is also beefing up its covert support to the “terrorists.”

The Balkanization of Pakistan

Already in 2005, a report by the US National Intelligence Council and the CIA forecast a “Yugoslav-like fate” for Pakistan “in a decade with the country riven by civil war, bloodshed and inter-provincial rivalries, as seen recently in Balochistan.” (Energy Compass, 2 March 2005). According to the NIC-CIA, Pakistan is slated to become a “failed state” by 2015, “as it would be affected by civil war, complete Talibanisation and struggle for control of its nuclear weapons”. (Quoted by former Pakistan High Commissioner to UK, Wajid Shamsul Hasan, Times of India, 13 February 2005):

“Nascent democratic reforms will produce little change in the face of opposition from an entrenched political elite and radical Islamic parties. In a climate of continuing domestic turmoil, the Central government’s control probably will be reduced to the Punjabi heartland and the economic hub of Karachi,” the former diplomat quoted the NIC-CIA report as saying.
Expressing apprehension, Hasan asked, “are our military rulers working on a similar agenda or something that has been laid out for them in the various assessment reports over the years by the National Intelligence Council in joint collaboration with CIA?” (Ibid)

Continuity, characterized by the dominant role of the Pakistani military and intelligence has been scrapped in favor of political breakup and balkanization.

According to the NIC-CIA scenario, which Washington intends to carry out: “Pakistan will not recover easily from decades of political and economic mismanagement, divisive policies, lawlessness, corruption and ethnic friction,” (Ibid) .

The US course consists in fomenting social, ethnic and factional divisions and political fragmentation, including the territorial breakup of Pakistan. This course of action is also dictated by US war plans in relation to both Afghanistan and Iran.

This US agenda for Pakistan is similar to that applied throughout the broader Middle East Central Asian region. US strategy, supported by covert intelligence operations, consists in triggering ethnic and religious strife, abetting and financing secessionist movements while also weakening the institutions of the central government.

The broader objective is to fracture the Nation State and redraw the borders of Iraq, Iran, Syria, Afghanistan and Pakistan.
Pakistan’s Oil and Gas reserves

Pakistan’s extensive oil and gas reserves, largely located in Balochistan province, as well as its pipeline corridors are considered strategic by the Anglo-American alliance, requiring the concurrent militarization of Pakistani territory.

Balochistan comprises more than 40 percent of Pakistan’s land mass, possesses important reserves of oil and natural gas as well as extensive mineral resources.

The Iran-India pipeline corridor is slated to transit through Balochistan. Balochistan also possesses a deap sea port largely financed by China located at Gwadar, on the Arabian Sea, not far from the Straits of Hormuz where 30 % of the world’s daily oil supply moves by ship or pipeline. (Asia News.it, 29 December 2007)

Pakistan has an estimated 25.1 trillion cubic feet (Tcf) of proven gas reserves of which 19 trillion are located in Balochistan. Among foreign oil and gas contractors in Balochistan are BP, Italy’s ENI, Austria’s OMV, and Australia’s BHP. It is worth noting that Pakistan’s State oil and gas companies, including PPL which has the largest stake in the Sui oil fields of Balochistan are up for privatization under IMF-World Bank supervision.
According to the Oil and Gas Journal (OGJ), Pakistan had proven oil reserves of 300 million barrels, most of which are located in Balochistan. Other estimates place Balochistan oil reserves at an estimated six trillion barrels of oil reserves both on-shore and off-shore (Environment News Service, 27 October 2006) .
Covert Support to Balochistan Separatists

Balochistan’s strategic energy reserves have a bearing on the separatist agenda. Following a familiar pattern, there are indications that the Baloch insurgency is being supported and abetted by Britain and the US.

The Balochi national resistance movement dates back to the late 1940s, when Balochistan was invaded by Pakistan. In the current geopolitical context, the separatist movement is in the process of being hijacked by foreign powers.

British intelligence is allegedly providing covert support to Balochistan separatists (which from the outset have been repressed by Pakistan’s military). In June 2006, Pakistan’s Senate Committee on Defence accused British intelligence of “abetting the insurgency in the province bordering Iran” [Balochistan]..(Press Trust of India, 9 August 2006). Ten British MPs were involved in a closed door session of the Senate Committee on Defence regarding the alleged support of Britain’s Secret Service to Balcoh separatists (Ibid). Also of relevance are reports of CIA and Mossad support to Baloch rebels in Iran and Southern Afghanistan.

It would appear that Britain and the US are supporting both sides. The US is providing American F-16 jets to the Pakistani military, which are being used to bomb Baloch villages in Balochistan. Meanwhile, British alleged covert support to the separatist movement (according to the Pakistani Senate Committee) contributes to weakening the central government.

The stated purpose of US counter-terrorism is to provide covert support as well as as training to “Liberation Armies” ultimately with a view to destabilizing sovereign governments. In Kosovo, the training of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) in the 1990s had been entrusted to a private mercenary company, Military Professional Resources Inc (MPRI), on contract to the Pentagon.

The BLA bears a canny resemblance to Kosovo’s KLA, which was financed by the drug trade and supported by the CIA and Germany’s Bundes Nachrichten Dienst (BND).

The BLA emerged shortly after the 1999 military coup. It has no tangible links to the Baloch resistance movement, which developed since the late 1940s. An aura of mystery surrounds the leadership of the BLA.

Washington favors the creation of a “Greater Balochistan” which would integrate the Baloch areas of Pakistan with those of Iran and possibly the Southern tip of Afghanistan (See Map above), thereby leading to a process of political fracturing in both Iran and Pakistan.

“The US is using Balochi nationalism for staging an insurgency inside Iran’s Sistan-Balochistan province. The ‘war on terror’ in Afghanistan gives a useful political backdrop for the ascendancy of Balochi militancy” (See Global Research, 6 March 2007).

Military scholar Lieutenant Colonel Ralph Peters writing in the June 2006 issue of The Armed Forces Journal, suggests, in no uncertain terms that Pakistan should be broken up, leading to the formation of a separate country: “Greater Balochistan” or “Free Balochistan” (see Map below). The latter would incorporate the Pakistani and Iranian Baloch provinces into a single political entity.

In turn, according to Peters, Pakistan’s North West Frontier Province (NWFP) should be incorporated into Afghanistan “because of its linguistic and ethnic affinity”. This proposed fragmentation, which broadly reflects US foreign policy, would reduce Pakistani territory to approximately 50 percent of its present land area. (See map). Pakistan would also loose a large part of its coastline on the Arabian Sea.

Although the map does not officially reflect Pentagon doctrine, it has been used in a training program at NATO’s Defense College for senior military officers. This map, as well as other similar maps, have most probably been used at the National War Academy as well as in military planning circles. (See Mahdi D. Nazemroaya, Global Research, 18 November 2006)

“Lieutenant-Colonel Peters was last posted, before he retired to the Office of the Deputy Chief of Staff for Intelligence, within the U.S. Defence Department, and has been one of the Pentagon’s foremost authors with numerous essays on strategy for military journals and U.S. foreign policy.” (Ibid)

It is worth noting that secessionist tendencies are not limited to Balochistan. There are separatist groups in Sindh province, which are largely based on opposition to the Punjabi-dominated military regime of General Pervez Musharraf (For Further details see Selig Harrisson, Le Monde diplomatique, October 2006)

“Strong Economic Medicine”: Weakening Pakistan’s Central Government

Pakistan has a federal structure based on federal provincial transfers. Under a federal fiscal structure, the central government transfers financial resources to the provinces, with a view to supporting provincial based programs. When these transfers are frozen as occurred in Yugoslavia in January 1990, on orders of the IMF, the federal fiscal structure collapses:
“State revenues that should have gone as transfer payments to the republics [of the Yugoslav federation] went instead to service Belgrade’s debt … . The republics were largely left to their own devices. … The budget cuts requiring the redirection of federal revenues towards debt servicing, were conducive to the suspension of transfer payments by Belgrade to the governments of the Republics and Autonomous Provinces.

In one fell swoop, the reformers had engineered the final collapse of Yugoslavia’s federal fiscal structure and mortally wounded its federal political institutions. By cutting the financial arteries between Belgrade and the republics, the reforms fueled secessionist tendencies that fed on economic factors as well as ethnic divisions, virtually ensuring the de facto secession of the republics. (Michel Chossudovsky, The Globalization of Poverty and the New World Order, Second Edition, Global Research, Montreal, 2003, Chapter 17.)

It is by no means accidental that the 2005 National Intelligence Council- CIA report had predicted a “Yugoslav-like fate” for Pakistan pointing to the impacts of “economic mismanagement” as one of the causes of political break-up and balkanization.

“Economic mismanagement” is a term used by the Washington based international financial institutions to describe the chaos which results from not fully abiding by the IMF’s Structural Adjustment Program. In actual fact, the “economic mismanagement” and chaos is the outcome of IMF-World Bank prescriptions, which invariably trigger hyperinflation and precipitate indebted countries into extreme poverty.

Pakistan has been subjected to the same deadly IMF “economic medicine” as Yugoslavia: In 1999, in the immediate wake of the coup d’Etat which brought General Pervez Musharaf to the helm of the military government, an IMF economic package, which included currency devaluation and drastic austerity measures, was imposed on Pakistan. Pakistan’s external debt is of the order of US$40 billion. The IMF’s “debt reduction” under the package was conditional upon the sell-off to foreign capital of the most profitable State owned enterprises (including the oil and gas facilities in Balochistan) at rockbottom prices .

Musharaf’s Finance Minister was chosen by Wall Street, which is not an unusual practice. The military rulers appointed at Wall Street’s behest, a vice-president of Citigroup, Shaukat Aziz, who at the time was head of CitiGroup’s Global Private Banking. (See WSWS.org, 30 October 1999). CitiGroup is among the largest commercial foreign banking institutions in Pakistan.
There are obvious similarities in the nature of US covert intelligence operations applied in country after country in different parts of the so-called “developing World”. These covert operation, including the organisation of military coups, are often synchronized with the imposition of IMF-World Bank macro-economic reforms. In this regard, Yugoslavia’s federal fiscal structure collapsed in 1990 leading to mass poverty and heightened ethnic and social divisions. The US and NATO sponsored “civil war” launched in mid-1991 consisted in coveting Islamic groups as well as channeling covert support to separatist paramilitary armies in Bosnia, Kosovo and Macedonia.

A similar “civil war” scenario has been envisaged for Pakistan by the National Intelligence Council and the CIA: From the point of view of US intelligence, which has a longstanding experience in abetting separatist “liberation armies”, “Greater Albania” is to Kosovo what “Greater Balochistan” is to Pakistan’s Southeastern Balochistan province. Similarly, the KLA is Washington’s chosen model, to be replicated in Balochistan province.
The Assassination of Benazir Bhutto
Benazir Bhutto was assassinated in Rawalpindi, no ordinary city. Rawalpindi is a military city host to the headquarters of the Pakistani Armed Forces and Military Intelligence (ISI). Ironically Bhutto was assassinated in an urban area tightly controlled and guarded by the military police and the country’s elite forces. Rawalpindi is swarming with ISI intelligence officials, which invariably infiltrate political rallies. Her assassination was not a haphazard event.

Without evidence, quoting Pakistan government sources, the Western media in chorus has highlighted the role of Al-Qaeda, while also focusing on the the possible involvement of the ISI.

What these interpretations do not mention is that the ISI continues to play a key role in overseeing Al Qaeda on behalf of US intelligence. The press reports fail to mention two important and well documented facts:
1) the ISI maintains close ties to the CIA. The ISI is virtually an appendage of the CIA.
2) Al Qaeda is a creation of the CIA. The ISI provides covert support to Al Qaeda, acting on behalf of US intelligence.
The involvement of either Al Qaeda and/or the ISI would suggest that US intelligence was cognizant and/or implicated in the assassination plot.

Turmoil in Pakistan Tempts the Democrats

Michael Shank, Arab News

The Democratic presidential candidates have been salivating for a situation like Pakistan to come along the campaign trail. Eternally looking soft on security and stuck with no road map for Iraq and Afghanistan, Pakistan offers the candidates an opportunity to brandish new security strategies. With President Pervez Musharraf’s violent crackdown on opposition parties, human rights organizations, media, lawyers, and the general populace, they have the perfect opportunity to posture. Trouble is, however, with Democratic White House hopefuls Obama, Biden, Clinton, and Edwards slating new strategies for Pakistan: They all have got their analysis flat wrong.

Illinois Senator Barack Obama, to his credit, was first out of the misguided gate long before Musharraf derailed all semblance of civility. Still spinning from fellow candidate and New York Senator Hillary Clinton’s jab at his offer to dialogue with adversaries (too naïve and inexperienced, she said) Obama countered Clinton’s criticism by swinging hard at Pakistan. In an about-face – to appear hard, not soft, on security – the plan was simple: Move from the wrong battlefield, i.e. Iraq, to the right battlefield, i.e. Pakistan. If actionable intelligence exists on high-value terrorist targets, said Obama, then US strikes will follow, regardless of cooperation from Islamabad. Eagerness got the better of Obama on this one, though, as foreign policy wonks from Washington to Waziristan cited this as utterly ill-advisable and wrong-headed.

Delaware Sen. Joe Biden, more recently, has emerged as the candidate least cautious to ramp up rhetoric on Pakistan. His first gaffe, assisted by candidate and Gov. Bill Richardson: Comparing Pakistan of today to Iran of the late 1970s. Biden conjectured that conservative religious types of today will similarly rise to overthrow the US-backed regime. As the Shah was replaced by the Supreme Leader and the Ayatollahs, the analogy beckoned, so too will Musharraf be replaced by the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal.

Thankfully, extremism’s foothold remains weak as Islamic parties have never polled well in Pakistan, garnering roughly 11 percent of the vote. (Moreover, any non-democratic seizing of power by conservatives would result in a massive public uprising on par with present-day protests.) Contrast that with the competition to Musharraf, former Prime Ministers Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif, at 65 percent of the vote, a number likely to rise given the recent bombing and house arrest targeting Bhutto, both of which increased her political profile. Add to that a sizeable pocket of progressives abstaining from either party, disaffected by the corruption in both Bhutto and Sharif’s regimes, and a trend toward moderate mandates emerges. What Biden should focus on instead then is maintaining this mandate, a task increasingly compromised by US military aid to Musharraf.

Biden’s second gaffe: With the help of Massachusetts Sen. John Kerry in a recent foreign affairs subcommittee resolution, he pledged to suspend “assistance for the purchase of weapon systems not directly related to the fight against Al-Qaeda and the Taleban.” Translation? No aid will be cut; Pakistan claims all fights are related. Better if Biden would bide his time until a more laudable policy emerged. Like Obama, enthusiasm to separate from the presidential pack got the better of Biden. More laudable would be if Obama and Biden bid military bluster adieu and plotted out non-military strategies to undermine Taleban operations in Pakistan. As in Iraq, a military solution – the only response executed by Musharraf to date – is not the answer. It is the political, economic, and social sectors – and the need for stability within each – to which the president and by proxy the United States, must attend.

Clinton in her vehement condemnation of emergency rule in Pakistan perhaps came closest in countenancing the real source of the problem. The failed policies of the Bush administration were to blame, the senator said, diverting “resources and attention from the fight against terrorism on the Afghanistan-Pakistan border, while inciting radical elements inside Pakistan.” While correct on the former point i.e. Bush administration policies are problematic, it is the latter point where she drifts. In fact, there is no diversion from the border fight, but rather a too heavy-handed approach. The indiscriminate shelling of border villages by Musharraf, aided by American intelligence, finances, and equipment, is helping radicalize locals against the government. Clinton’s showing of cards with this quote, gives clues to how she might fight the war once president: Bomb the border better.

Former North Carolina Sen. John Edwards, lastly, ranks weakest among all four candidates mentioned here, only because of his lack of learnedness. Edwards mistakenly thinks that “we provide billions of dollars in assistance of all kinds,” to Pakistan. Perhaps, had Edwards done his homework, he would know that of the $10 billion in US aid sent to the country since 2001, only $26 million has been funneled toward democratic elections. Most of US assistance is of the military kind, not the social, contrary to what US Deputy Secretary of State John Negroponte claims when protesting aid withdrawal, citing social sector concerns.

If any of the Democratic presidential candidates actually focused on the social concerns of Pakistanis, much could be done to undermine the radical extremism worrying Clinton and others. Pakistan now ranks below Myanmar in the United Nations Human Development Index’s social indicators – a fact not terribly surprising given that Musharraf, in the last eight years of rule, has invested only 2 percent of GDP on education. Pakistan then, for the Democratic candidate confounded with the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan, is a huge opportunity; a little social investment will go a long way. But unfortunately no candidate seems to be approaching Pakistan in that way. The country is merely serving as a study in security strategy, and it appears their success at it is on par with precedent.

- Michael Shank is an analyst with the Institute for Conflict Analysis and Resolution at George Mason University in Virginia

I liked the piece about Musharaff and I don’t really agree with what you said about him and being desperate – history IS the best judge so why not look at the “taraki” Musharraf has made in our country-that can’t really be denied nor can the way he has handled tight situations in the past-I honestly don’t think he is just trying to hold onto power-army men are patriotic-that’s their defining characteristic and I don’t see him loving himself more than his country-that’s why he has left the window open to still build an allegiance with Bhutto too and I think he pulled the emergency because things were getting out of hand especially after Bhutto settled in the country-people want a democracy and Bhutto represents democracy so that’s the major reason they are all flocking to her but in the end I think she would only bankrupt our country more-she was not fit to lead before since her corrupt ways and I still think she has no actual trustworthy stability except for the fact that she is pushing in the favor of democracy- Musharraf to me has proven himself worthy of handling the country without taking a huge amount in return or cheating the country and the people from the rights that are owed to them-if he were to be elected I believe he would lead Pakistan towards a better future as he has done in his last 7 years

I do agree that in terms of declaring the emergency rule things have begun to slide for Musharraf nevertheless he has still vowed to hold elections and pullback from chief of army
I think if he is worthy enough-before elections he’ll pull something out of his hat that will win back or prove to the people that he is devoted and that his actions are justified

about the way things are being handled in Pakistan-the lawyers being man-handled and what not-obviously I’m sure that Musharraf did not want things to be done exactly like that but if u read into his actions it’s obvious he is sending out the point that for now things need to be calmer in Pakistan-since the emergency rule there have been no bombs or a absurd number of deaths and I think there is less fear overall-people are angry about the dismissal of a lot of their fundamental rights but at the same time certain things are necessary to guarantee the safety of people even though they don’t realize it.

anyhow…that’s my opinion so far from how things have happened